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  • Essay / Singapore - 1274

    In a sense, Singapore has always been driven by neoliberal ideology. In the 1960s and 1970s, Singapore's economic competitiveness was based on its ability to generate low-cost manufacturing, its political stability and its geographical location (Yeung, 2000: 142). However, by the 1980s, Singapore was outpaced by other developing Asian countries and faced this “competitiveness crisis” with national strategies promoting high-tech business services (Yeung, 2000: 142). Rigorous infocomm programs were adopted as early as 1980, the IDA has maintained sustained efforts to promote and educate its citizens regarding ICT. Thanks to the National IT Plan (1986-1991), the software and IT services industry multiplied its revenues tenfold, the ICT labor pool increased from 850 to 5,500 people, and activities Computing and e-commerce continued to expand through subsequent programs. (iN2015 Steering Committee, 2006: 33). In 2006, Singapore had the highest ratio of infocomm-related patents to total patents in the world, and the iN2015 steering committee attributed this success to national ICT programs (2006: 36). More than ever, Singapore is a consumer-driven country. with a prosperous economy. Infocomm initiatives deliberately advanced the economy by encouraging businesses to enter the electronic economy and persuading consumers that this was safe and convenient. With the specific aim of encouraging domestic and international businesses to set up e-commerce hubs in Singapore, the Singapore government introduced the "Approved Cyber ​​Traders" program which allowed eligible businesses to pay less corporate tax (Teo, 2002: 259). A highly sophisticated electronic payment infrastructure has encouraged both sellers and consumers to use paper and protect themselves against fraud and theft if a strong e-commerce industry is to be fostered. Is ICT in Singapore being developed? are they used as instruments of control, and to what extent are they used as facilitators of open democracy? Democracy relies largely on a free press, but as Brown points out, this is undermined by neoliberal corporate ownership and laws protecting politicians from defamation (2006: 695). This is the case of Singapore today. The state controls pro-government broadcast media, and defamation suits deter journalists from publishing controversial political articles (O'Hara, 2008: 10). In Singapore, media coverage of the political opposition has long been suppressed, mainly under the pretext of "national interest", an ideology of control that has motivated the national policy of media control (Lee and Willnat, 2006: 10).