Sherman provides ample evidence to support his conclusions and effectively uses both settings to consider the effects of organizational structures on interaction strategies. Relying primarily on participant observation, she makes only passing references to “back-of-the-house” workers, those whose work is most often invisible and whose social position is subordinate to other staff members. His project is therefore less an organizational ethnography than a study of the class encounter, codified in organizational contexts. Students studying class inequality as well as work and organizations will therefore find this book useful. The same is true for those interested in labor relations in a service economy that has largely resisted union organizing. How, for example, can challenges to worker-guest relations constitute a critique of class subordination? How might such a challenge inform broader policy processes? Sherman can only speculate about the implications of his findings. Its micro-level focus, however, suggests some directions for the analysis of class-based rights in the service.