Population growth can be a sign of prosperity but also a harbinger of future disasters. The People's Republic of China faced increased population growth in the early 1960s, after the "Great Famine". In the late 1970s, China quickly responded and implemented a policy based on the Malthusian principle of preventive controls. During Mao's reign, the "one-child policy" was implemented, and over time it was strictly enforced. The one-child policy succeeded in slowing population growth, but to achieve this, sex ratios were more skewed than before, the age structure was disrupted, the labor force declined, the Marriage has become extremely competitive, which has led to positive and negative changes in China's development. a society where boysChina's one-child policy has achieved its goal of slowing population growth, but the decline would lead to serious changes in the country's age structure. Fewer children are born each year due to the one-child policy, which has ultimately disrupted the shape of the population pyramid. In 1994, S. Irudaya Rajan became interested in China's one-child policy and the change in age structure resulting from the one-child policy. According to Rajan's (1994) research, fertility was declining, but this would lead to "population aging." (p. 2505). Population aging is a concept that would describe the result of China's one-child policy; fewer children are born and, therefore, there will be a larger population of elderly people than children being born. This poses a problem because, ultimately, there will be more elderly citizens than those able to work. Rajan points out that Shanghai province has the highest proportion of elderly population. Looking at the 1990 Chinese census, Rajan found that the proportion of children under 14 is lower than that of children in India. This once again proves that China's one-child policy has been effective in reducing population growth, but it has negative externalities such as labor. In terms of development, the one-child policy has caused damage in the sense that gender inequalities persist. According to Vanessa Fong (2002), the one-child policy did not empower women but rather promoted modernization by attempting to reduce the population. Fong also argues that the one-child policy was not implemented to free women from the burden of high fertility, but rather was just an externality in the grand scheme of the policy of the only child (p. 1100). Fong said that women in China had to postpone their careers due to medical problems and maternity leave due to frequent childbirth, but the one-child policy slowly decreased fertility (p. 1101). Through this change in fertility, women were able to join the workforce or care for the elderly, but gender inequality persisted. Research by Lawrence Hong (1987) found that gender inequality in China was still noticeable, with women underrepresented in high-ranking positions. Delving deeper into the effects and outcomes of the one-child policy, female infanticide and female fetal abortions can be considered as other acts promoting gender inequality. Hong concluded that reports of female infanticide were alarming but that it was common and women in China did not